Ligesom kongedømmet Kotte, mistede sin suverænitet
til portugiserne ved Malwana Konventionen i 1598, og kongedømmet Kandy mistede
den til briterne ved Kandy Konventionen i 1815, mistede Jaffna-Kongedømmet sin
suverænitet til portugiserne ved Nalloor Konventionen i 1616, skriver Anthony
Hensman i en artikel om en fornyelse af historiografien i daily Mirror mandag
d.15. "Man bør notere sig, at de besluttende parter er
kongen af Spanien som konge af Portugal, og repræsentanterne for befolkningen i
kongeriget Jaffna, en uafhængig, lovligt konstitueret, diplomatisk anerkendt
politisk enhed – en suveræn stat. Der nævnes intet om staten Ceylon eller Lanka
eller noget andet navn, skriver Hensman.


De enorme anstrengelser, der nu sættes i gang af Colombo, New Delhi og nogle
andre magter ved at pålægge den lammede tamilske repræsentation tvang efter at
have knust tamilernes militære styrke, går, endnu engang, ud på lovmæssigt at
overgive deres suverænitet, denne gang til administrationen i Colombo. De
sammenrottede parter mener, dette vil bidrage til at fremme deres interesse i at
udnytte dem.

 

Det er nøjagtigt på dette punkt, at TNA
eller enhver anden Eezam-tamilsk ledelse ikke bør foretage den dumhed at afgive
tamilsk suverænitet og dermed vise, at afgivelsen er en frivillig handling.
Uskyldige mennesker vil ikke forstå, at deres stemmer, givet til det mest
acceptable af de tamilske politiske partier, i den givne sammenhæng betyder
tilslutning til permanent afgivelse af suverænitet.

 

De hemmelige motiver bag det hastige og påtvungne
valg, medens man holder mennesker indespærret, deres land militært besat,
samt udtalelser om forhåbninger, der forfatningsmæssigt er banlyst, kræver en
grundig forståelse, hvis ikke af almindelige mennesker, så i det mindste af
politikere og den tamilske elite.

 

At gengive Vaddukkoaddai Resolutionen mandat er
ikke tom retorik eller en sekterisk handling fra nogle for at genvinde magten og
skaffe økonomiske midler, som det siges fra negativt hold.

 

Magtklikens forsøg lige nu er at opnå det fra den
tamilske ledelse, som ikke kunne opnås fra Pirapaharans LTTE. Men, tamiler og
deres politiske ledelse har ikke råd nu til at foretage de 'politiske
eksperimenter' angående suverænitet, som Pirapaharans LTTE, med tillid til, at
den med sin militære styrke kunne klare enhver situation, kunne have
foretaget.

 

Tossehoveder blandt tamilerne tænker, at det ikke
er klogt at vække vrede hos singaleserne og forstyrre forsoningen med sådanne
holdninger til suverænitet. Nogle tænker, og får endog det råd af internationale
talsmænd for kapitalinteresser, at 'diplomati' for tamiler er at opgive krav om
suverænitet i øjeblikket, men forsøge at opnå den skridt for
skridt.

 

De gør sig til grin ved at tro, at singaleserne er
tåber. Der vil  ikke være noget spor af tamilsk suverænitet tilbage på øen at
bede om senere.

 

Nutildags er det blevet en myte blandt diplomater
og efterretningstjenester i Vesten, efterfølgere af kolonomagter, der fratog
tamilerne deres suverænitet, men aldrig gav den tilbage til de retmæssige
ejermænd, at give de godtroende tamiler besked om at droppe kravene om
suverænitet og anmode om andre slags indrømmelser for at få støtte fra
vesten.

 

Uden 'pænhed' bør tamilerne fortælle lige op i
ansigtet på sådanne personer, at de først må demonstrere deres evne til at
gennemføre nogensomhelst løsning på øen, hvor det gang på gang er blevet bevist,
at ingen kunne komme til magten ved at gøre nogen form for indrømmelser over for
tamilerne.

 

Hvis der ikke er nogen alvorlig krise, vil sagen
ikke komme for international voldgift, som det er set i mange
tidligere kolonier. men her er der en krise, der stammer helt tilbage fra
begyndelsen af nationernes opståen, som har manifesteret sig i folkemord og kun
viser tegn på, at tendensen vil blive bekræftet i fremtiden. Hvad er det
internationale systems svar på dette? Genvindelse af suverænitet er den
fundamentale rettighed for Eezham-tamilerne, især, når hele verden har forsømt
sin pligt.

I sine skrifter om kolonial behandling af de
tidligere stater på øen, skriver Anthony Hensman, at Portugiserne regerede Kotte
og Jaffna som to territorier. "Budgetterne og beretningerne om inkomst og
udgifter i de to territorier blev sendt til skattemyndighederne i Lissabon som
to adskilte fortegnelser, i årene 1618 til 1658."

 

Da portugiserne overgav territorierne til
hollænderne i 1658, blev de to stater separat beskrevet i to klart adskilte
fortegnelser. Igen da briterne lovmæssigt overtog dem fra hollænderne, ved
Amiens Traktaten af 1803, blev Kotte og Jaffna territorierne beskrevet i to
fortegnelser uden nævnelse af Ceylon eller Lanka eller noget andet navn,
undtagen i geografiske sammenhænge, skriver Hensman.

 

Det historiske vendepunkt var 1832, da briterne,
ved at indføre en lovgivende forsamling og ved at gøre Colombo til hovedstad,
etablerede et enheds-system med regering og administration i deres koloniale
egeninteresse. Systemet blev overgivet til brune leder-efterfølgere i 1947 i håb
om at gøre systemet varigt og dermed sikre deres massive kapital-investeringer
på øen. Hensman rammer plet.

 

Historisk og politisk  forskning, udført af ægte
videnskabsmænd på øen, begyndte med undersøgelserne af de originale
dokumenter om Malwana, Nalloor og Kandy konventionerne, siger Hensman og
tilføjer, at hvis protokol-kopierne af disse traktater ikke er i
Colombo-arkiverne, må originalerne være i arkiverne i Lissabon, Haag og
London.

 

I årtier har Colombo-arkiverne ikke haft nogen
tamilske ansatte. En tamilsk akademiker, der besøgte de portugisiske arkiver i
Goa, hørte fra den daværende direktør, Dr. Shirodkar, at et traktat-dokument
mellem portugiserne og lederne i Jaffna fandtes i det arkiv.

 

Tamilske videnskabsmænd, der har mulighed for
at undersøge arkiverne i de europæiske hovedstæder, bør gå i gang med at
publicere originalerne.

The full text of the article by Anthony Hensman with courtesy to Daily Mirror print edition 15 February, 2010, follows:

The Malvana Convention of 1598,and other historical conventions

By Anthony Hensman

Dr.
Dayan Jayatilleke’s letter of 4th July in the Daily Mirror captioned
‘The Defence Dimension of Devolution’ opens up an interesting line of
enquiry to the historian and politician alike, as it begs the question
as to why the 13th Amendment and only the 13th Amendment? What is there
so innately sacrosanct about that piece of legislation drafted under
Mr. J.R.Jayawardene with input from Mr. Rajiv Gandhi and his advisers,
in pursuance of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord? This line of reasoning is
interesting as it turns back the pages of time to 1832 and the
Colebrooke- Cameron Commission constitutional reforms of that year. For
it was then that for the first time a centralized structure of
government was installed in this country, centred in Colombo and
engrossing the hitherto independent administrations of Colombo, Galle,
Jaffna and Kandy. It is interesting further in issuing a challenge to
the school of thought that believes that the country was and should be
unitary, to vindicate the rationale on which their conclusion rests?

For
instance, it is accepted that King Dutugemunu’s mother was the daughter
of the Naga king of Kelaniya. If we assume that King Dutugemunu after
defeating King Elara established a unitary government from
Anuradhapura, where does that leave his maternal kingdom of Kelaniya?
The chronicles are silent on the issue of the interaction between the
two states, and we are left with the unsatisfactory conclusion that the
Kelaniya kingdom underwent a second inundation of the sea that caused
it to disappear! The historical problem, if there is one, is not a
genuine problem but only a pseudo problem. It becomes a problem only if
you accept the unitary thesis a priori. If there never was such a
unitary state as the above school would have us believe, then King
Dutugemunu and his cousin, the Naga king of Kelaniya, could have
happily co-existed, each within his own recognized frontiers.

Let
us turn with relief to the hard , testable, provable,empirical world of
scientific historical theses. Here we have the benefit of three
historical documents of immense weight and indisputable authority and
veracity ie the Malvana Convention of 1598, the Nallur Convention of
1616 and the Kandyan Convention of 1815. The first was signed in 1598,
on the one hand, by King Philip 11 of Spain [ of Armada fame] as king
Philip 1 of Portugal, in his capacity as king of Portugal and , on the
other, by the nobility of Kotte assembled in Malvana. In terms of this
convention, the nobility of Kotte, on behalf of the people of Kotte
freely accepted the sovereignty of King Philip and swore fealty to him
as King of Kotte, by virtue of the last will and testament of the last
king of Kotte, Don Juan Dharmapala 1, who died in 1596. It is
interesting to note that the contracting parties are the King of Spain
and the Indies, the most powerful ruler on earth, as king of Portugal,
and the representatives of the people of the kingdom of Kotte, an
independent, legally constituted ,diplomatically recognized, political
entity- in other words, a sovereign state. There is no mention of that
fiction of the afore-mentioned pseudo-historical school of a state of
Ceylon or Lanka or any other name.

In like manner the second was
signed in 1616, on the one hand, by King Philip 111 of Spain[son of the
former] as King Philip 11 of Portugal in his capacity as king of
Portugal, and on the other, by the nobility of the kingdom of Jaffna,
assembled in Nallur, whereby the latter freely acknowledged the
sovereignty of King Philip and swore fealty to him as King of Jaffna,
by virtue of the conquest of the kingdom by the Portuguese forces in
1616. Here again, it may be noted that the contracting parties are the
King of Spain, as king of Portugal, and the representatives of the
people of the kingdom of Jaffna, an independent, legally constituted,
diplomatically recognized, political entity – a sovereign state. There
is no mention of a state of Ceylon or Lanka or any other name.

By
these two treaties the Crown of Portugal came into possession of the
two separate states of Kotte and Jaffna, and they were so governed by
the Portuguese crown as two territories. In fact the budgets and
statements of income and expenditure of the two territories were
submitted to the treasury in Lisbon as two separate records, throughout
the period 1618 to 1658.The Dutch East India Co.[V.O.C.] conquered the
two states in 1658. In the treaty of 1658 between the new King John 1
of Portugal [ of the House of Braganza ] and the V.O.C. the two states
are separately described in two distinct schedules. They continued to
be administered by the V.O.C .separately. In fact, the Dutch, being
more business-minded and profit- oriented, sub-divided the Kotte
kingdom into two Colombo and Galle, each under its own Commandant, the
better to run the cinnamon industry.

Technically, therefore,
“unification” was brought about by foreign conquest by the two colonial
powers, the Portuguese crown and the V.O.C., and up to 1803, such “
unification” was confined to the Commandants of Colombo, Galle and
Jaffna.. In 1803, in the course of the Napoleonic wars, these
territories were conquered by the British government from the V.O.C.,
but no change was made in the independent administration of these new
British colonial possessions. Again, as in the case of the transfer on
conquest from the Portuguese to the Dutch, so also in the relevant
Treaty of Amiens of 1803, these territories are separately described in
two schedules pertaining to Kotte and Jaffna, respectively,, with no
mention of Ceylon or Lanka or any other name, except for the purpose of
geographical location.

In 1815 the Kandyan kingdom was conquered
by the British and the Kandyan Convention signed the same year between
King George 1V, on the one hand and the Kandyan chiefs, on the other,
accepting the sovereignty and rule of the former over the kingdom of
Kandy – note, not Ceylon or Lanka or any other name. It is, therefore,
by a process similar to that described previously, that the island was
united territorially by intervention of a foreign power to suit that
power’s imperial and colonial interests – in this case primarily the
security of the Indian empire. Administratively, Colombo, Galle, Jaffna
and Kandy were run separately.

The historical turning point came
only in 1832 when the Colebrooke – Cameron Commissioners arrived to set
up a legislature in the colony. It was then that ,for the first time,
under the compulsions of the capitalist, coffee, tea, rubber, coconut
and cocoa plantation and graphite mining and gemming industries, in
which British entrepreneurs were increasingly investing their capital,
that a single,” unitary” administration was set up and the island
divided into its present provincial administrative units, to serve the
new comprador, import-export economy, with Colombo as central capital
and port .This British colonial self-interest in establishing a
“unitary” system of government and administration, has now become a
vested interest of their ‘ brown sahib” successors to whom in 1947 the
British handed over the government in the hope of perpetuating that
system and, thereby, securing their massive capital investments in the
island. Paradoxically, this “imperialist”, “colonialist” ‘unitarianism’
of the former white sahibs has been embraced under the specious guise
of “religio-nationalism” by their successors, spreading even, by a
strange twist of that “demonstration effect” referred to in economics,
to the leadership of the working class, such as, the J.V.P .and N.F.F.

If
then in the present day, “Devolution” is the name of the game, and the
new spin word in political circles, ”Evolution” would seem to have been
the key to the counter- process that ,as we have seen, has been
gradually taking place over the past 450 years of colonial domination
and exploitation. “Exploitation ”is the key term because it is under
the guise of pseudo religio-nationalism that the” brown sahibs” who
occupied the driving seat and took over the reins with full access to
the apparatus of government and machinery of state, from the last of
the foreign oppressors, the British, in 1947, continue to oppress the
rest of their populations, both majority and minorities, alike.

A
whole world of historical and political exploration and discovery is
open to those genuine scholars , both of the majority and minorities,
to examine the original documents, beginning with the Treaties of
Malvana, Nallur and Kandy, subscribed by the ancient peoples of the
country, under their time-honoured and traditional, separate and
distinctive, historical and political identities, and extending to the
treaties between the Portuguese crown and the V.O.C. of 1658, and
between the latter and the British crown in 1803. If the protocol
copies of these treaties are not with the Colombo archives, the
originals would be with the archives in Lisbon, the Hague and London.
The schedules and maps which form a substantive part of these treaties
should make interesting and revelatory reading. They will put paid by
the application of the modern scientific empirical methodology of
historical study to the mythical equation of “unity” with
“unitarianism”, upheld by the “brown sahibs” and their
fellow-travellers, including the media in some cases. 

 

 

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