Hvorfor mislykkedes
fredsforhandlinger i 1995 ?
> Med 1995 fredsprocessen, sent i 1994, som fulgte efter valget af Chandrika Kumaratunge som Sri Lankas præsident gik LTTE ind i forhandlingerne med Sri Lankas nye regering for at finde en fredelig løsning på konflikten på øen.
I flere måneder fastholdte LTTE Sri Lankas regering i forsøget på at frembringe en løsning på konflikten - en løsning der ville ende årtiers uretfærdighed og diskrimination af det tamilske folk
og sikre en varig og retfærdig fred.
Forhandlingerne endte i fiasko.Sri Lankas regering nægtede at skabe de betingelser for fred og normale tilstande i de krigshærgede tamilske områder som bidrag til forhandlingerne. Fra forhandlingernes første færd anmodede LTTE Sri Lankas regering om at den ville mildne dens intense økonomiske og militære pres på den tamilske befolkning (som havde fundet sted i flere år)
I denne hensigt anmodede LTTE om at den meget strenge økonomiske embargo ( indbefattet mad og medicin) på de tamilske områder skulle ophæves, forbudet på fiskeri som havde gjort et stort antal tamilske fiskerfamilier fattige skulle ophæves og Sri Lankas militær base ved Pooneryn skulle fjernes da den forhindrede den tamilske befolkning i frit at kunne bevæge sig på halvøen til og fra resten af øen.)
LTTE fastholdt at disse daglige problemer for den tamilske befolkning skulle løses (for at lette deres betydelige byrder) før forhandlingerne om den grundlæggende løsning på konflikten kunne begynde. LTTE viste deres goodwill ved at løslade Sri Lankanske krigsfanger.
Til trods for enighed frem til dette punkt i begyndelsen af forhandlingerne var Sri Lankas regering træg og disse anmodninger blev aldrig ført ud i livet og det tamilske folks lidelser fortsatte.
Mr.V.Pirabakaran. leader of the LTTE, welcomes Mr. Audum Holm of Norway,
a member of the international monitoring comitee, at the LTTEs political head office
in jaffna. Mr.Anton Balasingsham is inthe backgroundYdermere, kort efter forhandlingerne begyndte, omstødte regeringen dens første standpunkt og krævede at en grundlæggende løsning på konflikten skulle etableres før befolkningens daglige problemer blev løst.
Sri Lankas regering tillagde aldrig fredsforhandlingerne med LTTE nogen vigtighed. Mens LTTE's leder sendte erfarne personer med tilstrækkelig bemyndigelse til at indgå i forhandlingerne, sendte Sri Lankas regering unge bureaukrater som manglede bemyndigelse til at forhandle på regerings vegne. Højtstående Srilankanske politiske ledere deltog ikke i forhandlingerne.
The LTTE and SL government delegation engage in discussions during the first round of talks
in 1995Sri Lankas regering undlod også at tage LTTE´s standpunkt, om at de var parate til at overveje en politisk struktur som anerkender de tamilske territorier med fuldt selvstyre til tamilerne, alvorligt.
LTTE´s interesse i disse punkter blev kommunikeret til Sri Lankas regering i adskillige breve skrevet af den tamilske nationale leder Hr. V. Prapaharan til Sri Lankas præsident. Nogen af brevene blev også givet til pressen. LTTE udsendte adskillige pressemeddelelser med fokus på dens interesser.
Sri Lankas regering var ikke villig til at indgå en permanent våbenhvile med international kontrol. I stedet, under dække af en skrøbelig standsning af fjendtlighederne, gik regeringen i gang med et markant militært udvidelelsesprogram.
Ydermere brød Sri Lankas sikkerhedsstyrker den midlertidige våbenhvile flere gange, de gennemførte bl.a. ransagninger og angreb på LTTE, hvor medlemmer af LTTE og civile tamiler blev dræbt og store lidelser blev påført det tamilske folk.
LTTE blev overbevist om at regeringen ikke for alvor var interesseret i at løse den etniske konflikt gennem forhandlinger. LTTE blev også overbevist om at regeringen ikke var parat til at tilbyde nogen væsentlig politisk struktur der kunne tilfredsstille den politiske stræben hos det tamilske folk.
Under disse omstændigheder, da forhandlingerne trak meningsløst i langdrag udsendte LTTE deadlines som regeringen ikke tog alvorligt.
Til sidst informerede LTTE modstræbende Sri Lankas regering i et brev, som også blev sendt til pressen, at hvis den (regeringen) ikke løste dag-til-dag problemerne og gik ind i meningsfyldte forhandlinger ville LTTE blive tvunget til at genoptage dens militære operationer den 28. marts 1995
Selvom der ikke var nogen praktisk udvikling i at løse de dagligdags problemer for det tamilske folk, på trods af yderligere løfter fra Sri Lankas regering, udsatte LTTE sin deadline til den 19. april 1995 i et andet brev sendt den 28. marts 1995.
Dette brev (der indeholdt deadline til den 19.april) blev også sendt til pressen. Næsten tre uger før de militære operationer blev genoptaget (selvom reglerne for våbenhvile kun krævede 72 timers anmeldelse.).
Sri Lankas regering ignorerede LTTE´s brev og der var ingen ændring i situationen og den 19. pril 19995 genoptog LTTE sin væbnede kamp.
Regeringen bebrejdede LTTE for at have skabt betingelserne for sammenbruddet i forhandlingerne. Den gennemførte en falsk international propaganda kampagne om at LTTE var imod fredsprocessen. Sandheden var at det var Sri Lankas regering der modsatte sig en retfærdig og fredelig løsning på konflikten.
Her har vi samlet et antal dokumenter der er relateret til 1995 forhandlingerne heriblandt et antal pressemeddelelser udsendt af LTTE under forhandlingerne, et antal kommentarer offentliggjort af LTTE ´s internationale sekretariat (heriblandt en umiddelbart efter genoptagelsen af fjendtlighederne) og en tale af lederen af LTTE´s politiske afdeling lavet i et tamilsk homeland lige inden genoptagelsen.
Vi vedlægger også to interviews af hr. Pirapaharan, LTTE leder, til BBC før og efter de mislykkede forhandlinger med Sri Lankas regering.
Vi håber disse dokumenter vil udrydde nogle myter om LTTE`s position under 1995 forhandlingerne og dens position med hensyn til en fredelig løsning på konflikten.
LTTE har konflikten igennem fastholdt at den har forpligtet sig til en fredelig løsning, der vil tillade tamilerne at udøve deres fulde demokratiske rettigheder.
Læs BBC's interviewerne med L.T.T.E's leder:
Interview by Ms.Aananthi Sooriyapiragasam,
British Broadcasting Corporation, London
with Mr.V.Pirabakaran, Leader, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam,
13 September 1994.
BBC: Prime Minister Chandrika Kumaratunga has said that she would be having talks with the LTTE. Do you think that a favourable climate has been reached for peace talks?
VP: We are ready for talks with- out pre-conditions. What we desire is that these talks take place in a relaxed and peaceful atmosphere. The new government has partially lifted the economic embargo. This is a positive step and an expression of its goodwill. We welcome it. However, the embargo has not been fully lifted. The ban on certain essentials yet continues. That aside, the government continues to curb the free movement of people between the peninsula and the mainland by keeping the land routes closed. That is not going to improve the economy of the people, nor ease their burdens. Above all, it is most essential that conditions be created to enable the mil people to lead a peaceful life in their own areas. We have said that we are ready to halt the fighting. But apparently the government is showing hesitation in stopping the war. Aggressive acts by government forces continue; offensives by the Sri Lankan Navy in particular. These are bound to dampen peace initiatives. All in all, the situation in Tamil areas has yet to return to normalcy. It must be said that there is now an aura of goodwill, yes but the groundwork for a peace settlement and a return to normalcy remains to be, worked out. It is only the government that can take constructive steps towards building up this process.
BBC: You have said that you were ready for talks without pre- conditions. But you are also saying that the economic embargo has to be fully lifted and the cease-fire has to be agreed. Aren't these pre- conditions?
VP: We are not imposing any pre-conditions for talks. We are only pointing out that a peace process has to be necessarily con- ducted in a peaceful atmosphere. In the absence of a declaration of cease-fire, is it not possible that war-like actions can continue? Wouldn't it be meaningless to go on with the war on one hand, and hold peace negotiations on the other? That is why we are saying that a cease-fire becomes necessary. As long as we are subject to economic constraints, as long as we are subject to the pressures of war, it becomes difficult to engage in talks with mutual goodwill and feelings of openness. The new government has to take this into consideration. If the government agrees to a cease-fire, we will accept it as a token of Its good intentions and a positive signal for peace.
BBC:You are saying that the government must express its good intentions by announcing a cease-fire. But there is a view prevalent among the armed forces that you would make use of the cease-fire to strengthen yourself militarily. What is your response to that?
VP: I must say that this is a totally erroneous assumption. Militarily speaking, a cease-fire is not advantageous for us. It is only by continuing to seize arms from the enemy, or in destroying them, that we can ensure our growth and military preparedness. That is possible only by continuing the war. To think that a cease-fire would benefit us is therefore incorrect. Despite that, if we desire a cease-fire, it is only to bring about the right climate for genuine peace, and for no other reason. As long as the state of war continues, there is always the possibility that there could be sudden, unexpected military confrontations and loss of lives. Wouldn't such incidents damage the peace efforts?
BBC: You have been stressing the need for a Tamil homeland. But Prime Minister Chandrika has reportedly made it clear that she was not going to accept the concept of a Tamil homeland, nor that she is prepared for a North-East merger. What she envisages is a re-demarcation of provincial boundaries. What are your comments on that?
VP: I am not the only person to stress the need for a Tamil homeland. That had been the voice of Tamil consciousness and stressed time and again, over a long period. This is a historical fact. The areas that consist of NorthEast province had been the homeland of Tamil-speaking people. That includes the Muslims. That is our position. We are not aware of what views Prime Minister Chandrika holds on this question. As to what new framework she has, we do not know. It would not be prudent for us to comment on something that had not been examined. The government position will be known in the course of our talks. At that point of time, we can express our views.
BBC:In the event of your having talks with the government, will you accept the participation of other Tamil groups as well?
VP: Those Tamil groups are having discussions with the government, individually and collectively. We have no objection to that. But who are the authentic representatives of the Tamil people? Who are those who are shedding blood in waging a struggle for the Tamil people's rights? We believe that the new government realises the wisdom behind all these. So, our wish is that the government should hold direct talks with us, we who truly represent the Tamil people's aspirations. That could be the only talks that would be meaningful and useful.
BBC: At the time you were having a dialogue with the Premadasa government, you broke the talks half-way. So why should the present government trust you and initiate talks with you?
VP: It is wrong to say that we broke the talks with the Premadasa government. We did not break away half-way. For nearly two years, those talks had been going on, but at no point of time did the Premadasa government get down to discuss the fundamental grievances of the Tamil people; neither did it come forward to place any tangible proposals to solve the problems. The talks merely drifted along into a meaningless, fruitless drag, and came to its natural end. That was what really happened. To say that we abused the trust placed on us was mischievous propaganda. At all times, during all talks, we place the interests of the Tamil people foremost. What we have been stressing all along is that our people should be in a position to live in peace, with honour and dignity. If talks in the past failed, it was simply because successive Sinhala governments refused to redress the genuine, fundamental grievances of the Tamil people, and failed to act with fair-play and justice. Time and again, the, Tamils were cheated. Breaking gentlemen's agreements, dishonouring pacts and agreements, it was the Sinhala. governments that had been abusing the trust that the Tamil people placed in them. No one can refute these facts of history. If the new government is prepared to concede the reasonable demands of the Tamil people, and is pledged to a genuine commitment towards justice, there is no reason why the new government should have any fears.
BBC: There are allegations -that the Liberation Tigers are the ones who are obstructing the opening up of land routes between the peninsula and the mainland. What is your answer to that?
VP: There is absolutely no truth in these allegations. There are two land routes between Jaffna and the Tamil mainland, that of Elephant Pass and Poonakari (Pooneryn). The Sri Lanka government forces have closed both these routes and prevented movements of people with a view to laying a military siege over the Jaffna peninsula,. It is because of this that the people are using the sea route of Kilaly. In the act of preventing even this, the Sinhalese armed forces have resorted to innumerable killings. To enable the people to undertake. this risky journey with some safety, our Sea Tigers have made immeasurable sacrifices. Their acts of valour in this regard are legion. Today, the Kilaly sea route is under our control. People are now using the Kilaly sea route without fear, under the protection of our cadres. But if the government is prepared to take steps to open up one of these land routes, and facilitate the movement of people and vehicles, we would certainly welcome it. There should be freedom of movement for the people without army checks and harassment. If the government would withdraw the remaining armed forces at Poonakari and open up the Sangupiddy pathway, our people are certain to welcome it wholeheartedly.
BBC: Could you not have participated at the recently held Parliamentary elections? Why didn't you contest?
VP: There has to be a permanent solution to the problems of the Tamil people. Only then we can think of contesting elections. The Tamils have participated in Parliamentary politics for a long, long time. But Parliamentary politics has failed to find a solution to our problems. Not only has it failed in that respect, but it was through Parliament that several discriminatory and oppressive laws and legislation have been directed against the Tamil people. Sri Lankan Parliaments have been concerned only in meeting the needs and aspirations of the numerically powerful Sinhalese population, while crushing the rights of the Tamils at the same time. It is against this background that we think there is no purpose in Tamils entering the Parliamentary process; especially when elections are held under conditions which are legally and morally indefensible.
BBC: Recently, I visited Muslim refugee camps in Puttalam. Those Muslim people whom you had forced to evacuate from Jaffna told me that they had lived together with the Jaffna people in amity and friendship, and they were pained over what happened. They said if their protection was guaranteed, they would like to come back to Jaffna. If conditions were to return to normal, would you permit them to come back to their earlier habitats?
VP: Those people belong to the Jaffna soil. Because of some unfortunate developments at a certain point of time, they were forced to become refugees. We express our regret over this. When conditions become normal, we will permit them to come back to Jaffna. As a result of this war, there are three lakhs of Tamils living as refugees in the Jaffna peninsula alone. Because the armed forces have forcibly occupied their areas, particularly in the islands division and in Valikamam north, these people were compelled to abandon their homes, and are now living as displaced people. A considerable number of them have sought refuge in areas previously occupied by the Muslim people. If the Sinhala armed forces would withdraw from the areas they forcibly occupied, these displaced people would be in a position to get back to their original habitats. In such an event, we would permit these Muslim refugees to get back to Jaffna.
BBC: Mr.Pirabakaran, it is apparent that there is an overwhelming consensus in the minds of everyone, whether in the North, or East, or in the South, that this war should end, and that peace should prevail. Given this yearning for peace, what is the message you would like to give to the ordinary masses of Sinhalese people in the South - leave alone the politicians?
VP: The ordinary Sinhalese people do not like this war. They desire peace, and that we realise fully well. Even the results of the Parliamentary elections indicate that. We want peace ourselves; a durable one that would enable all people to live with peace of mind. What obstructs that, is this war. Therefore, the war should be brought to an end. Those who forced this war on us, are the ones who can also bring it to an end. There can be no solution to the problems facing the Tamil people through waging war or through military repression. This, the Sinhalese -nation has to realise - It is only through fulfilling the reasonable aspirations of the Tamil people that a solution could be found to the ethnic question. It is only through peaceful means that this could be achieved. It is only the Sinhalese people who could impress this fact on Sinhala chauvinist governments and those who lobby for war. We hold the Sinhalese people with affection. We bear no hostility towards them. Those responsible for the present predicament, and the enmity between the Sinhalese and Tamil peoples, are the forces of Sinhala chauvinism. The Sinhalese people have to identify these forces, and cast them aside. Only then, there would be durable peace in this island.
( With courtesy of BBC Tamil Section "Tamilosai" Programme, the text of the interview is re-released by LTTE International Secretariat, 211 Katherine Road, Lodon E6 1BU, United Kingdom. Tel/Fax: 0181 470 8593).
Interview by Ms.Aananthi Sooriyapiragasam,
British Broadcasting Corporation, London with
Mr.V.Pirabakaran, Leader, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam,
27 April 1995.
V.P. We made this painful decision at a time when our people had lost all hope that peace would return to the Tamil homeland and the Tamil problem would be resolved. At the beginning we entertained a hope that peace and normalcy would be restored and the Tamil national question would be resolved by political negotiations. Based on this belief we entered the peace process and agreed for cessation of hostilities.
In the peace negotiations we argued that talks should proceed stage by stage and that the urgent and immediate problems of our people should be resolved at the early stages of the dialogue. The Government agreed to this.
The Tamil people have been subjected to enormous suffering as a consequence of the economic embargo, fishing bans and the blockade on traffic imposed by the previous Government. In the peace talks, we requested nothing other than the removal of these bans to alleviate the suffering of our people.
The Chandrika government, which came to power with the pledge that justice would be done to the Tamils, should have, on its own, removed the injustices imposed on our people. But the Chandrika government didn't do so. Instead of viewing these issues as constituting the problems of the Tamil people, the Government took them as specific demands of the LTTE. Furthermore, these issues were approached within a military perspective. We were told that these issues were linked to national security and any attempt to resolve them would spark off military repercussions. We were disappointed with this response. It was under these circumstances we gave an ultimatum to the Government. We pointed out that the continuation of the peace negotiations would serve no meaningful purpose if the problems of our people are not resolved. As a consequence of this pressure the Government assured us that it would remove the bans. We extended our deadline for three weeks to allow time for the Government to implement its pledges. But the Government delayed the implementation of its decisions and postponed the resolution of other issues. We felt that the Government was not sincere and truthful in this matter. It committed an act of bad faith as the previous Sinhala Governments. It is because of this, we and our people have lost faith in Chandrika's government. Therefore, we came to a decision that no meaningful purpose would be served in continuing the peace negotiations.
BBC Why did you decide to discontinue the peace negotiations even though President Chandrika lifted the economic embargo and removed the ban on fishing and offered several concessions?
V.P.. I wish to make a point here. That is, giving pledges and implementing those pledges are two different things.
It is true that President Chandrika gave us pledges. But she has not taken constructive measures to implement them.
In the past the Tamil people have been betrayed several times by previous Sinhalese regimes.
Agreements were made but not implemented. Pacts were signed and abrogated. This is our history. Chandrika's government is not an exception. We stipulated a deadline to the Government to provide a timeframe to implement its decisions and pledges. As we anticipated, Chandrika's government delayed the implementation of its decisions. The Government did not take our deadline seriously. They tried to evade it. It is wrong on the part of President Chandrika to claim that she has given concessions to the LTTE. We did not ask for any concessions but raised the problems of our people. The rights that were denied to our people should not be categorised as concessions.
BBC Don't you think that you should have been a bit patient since the delay in the implementation of the lifting of the economic embargo could have been caused by administrative hurdles.?
V.P. We have showed enough patience. We could say that we reached the brink of tolerance. In so far as the day to day problems of the Tamil people are concerned the Government dragged its feet for more than six months. On these issues, there were four rounds of talks and more than forty letters exchanged.
Furthermore, we gave a two week deadline and that was further extended to three more weeks. Do you think that this period of time is inadequate? If there was a genuine will on the part of the Government it would have lifted the bans and proceeded with the implementation within 24 hours. I think that if the Government had been sincere there would not have been any delays or difficulties.
BBC . What do you feel about the Government's decision to reimpose these bans?
V.P. This action has made one thing very clear. That is, in so far as the Tamil issue is concerned there is no fundamental difference between the present Government and the UNP regime. This Government is perpetuating the injustices committed by the past Governments. I do not see any difference between both Governments in their strategy to seek political gains by imposing economic and military pressure on the Tamils. If this Government has a genuine concern for the welfare of the Tamil people, it should not have re-imposed the bans. This action demonstrates the fact that the Government is only concerned to secure the interests of the military and to utilise problems and predicaments of the Tamils to seek political advantage.
BBC Under the terms and conditions of the Declaration of the Cessation of Hostilities, you should have given 72 hours notice if you wished to terminate the agreement. Why didn't you give that period oftime?
V.P. We have given the Government ample period of time. A period of five weeks was given to the Government since the first deadline which was later extended. The Government chose to ignore the meaning and purpose of our ultimatum and now attempts to lay the blame on us.
BBC Several foreign Governments have condemned you for having terminated the peace negotiations and the agreement on the cessation of hostilities. This has given rise to a view that the LTTE is opposed to peace process. What do you say to this?
V.P. We are fully aware that the International community is genuinely concerned about the Tamil issue. We are also aware that. the world community wants the conflict resolved through peacefUl means and a political settlement reached. I think that accurate information with regard to the problems, difficulties and setbacks that arose in the negotiating process has not reached the outside world. Some foreign countries have chosen to condemn the LTTE on the basis of the one-sided story provided by the Government without recognising the legitimacy of our position. We deeply regret the haste in which the Governments have issued condemnations before studying the issue in depth.
BBC President Chandrika has made it clear that she is determined to pursue the peace process with or without the co-operation of the LTTE. What is your response to this?
V.P. If it is practicable to achieve peace without the co-operation of the LTTE, let her continue her effort.
BBC The International Secretariat of the LTTE in London has issued a statement recently that the Tigers have not closed the doors for peace. What steps do you expect the Government to take to resume the peace initiative?
V.P. Our doors for peace are still open. It is true that we are dissatisfied and disillusioned with the approach of the Government. Yet, we have not lost hope in the peace process. We are convinced that the Tamil national conflict can be resolved by peacefUl means. It is the Government which should take initiatives to resume the peace process. As a constructive measure the Government should lift the reimposed bans on economic items and on fishing and should ensure implementation. This action should be viewed as fUlfilling the needs of the people rather than as concessions granted to the LTTE. If Chandrika's government makes favourable decisions on the other issues we raised, and is prepared to implement them, we will be prepared to cease all hostilities and return to the peace process.
( With courtesy of BBC Tamil Section "Tamilosai" Programme, the text of the interview is re-released by LTTE International Secretariat, 211 Katherine Road, Lodon E6 1BU, United Kingdom. Tel/Fax: 0181 470 8593).
